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SPEECH BY LUIS CABRERA 

BEFORE THE 

CONVENTION, MEXICO, D. F. 

October 5, 1914 



Mexican Bureau of Information 
whitehall building. room 335 

NEW YORK 






SPEECH BY LUIS CABRERA 
BEFORE THE CONVENTION, MEXICO, D. F. 

OCTOBER 5, 1914 



Very few people among the millions of Americans 
and Europeans understand or appreciate the historic 
importance of the Aguascalientes Convention. It marks 
a new epoch in the history of the Mexican people. It 
is the regeneration of Mexico. But, at this great con- 
vention of reconstruction, like all other similar gather- 
ings the great majorities, who silently bore the burden 
of the conflict, seem to have been totally forgotten. 

At the last moment of the gathering of the 130 
warriors, who fought for the liberty of Mexico, arose 
Louis Cabrera, a civilian, and in simple words spoke 
the mind of the fifteen million of Mexicans who were 
not represented at that convention. He wasted no 
words, he shed no tears, in cold and pure logic he 
showed that it was the great ma'jorities of Mexico — 
the under dog — that suffered most. He spoke in behalf 
of that element — the civilians whom the convention 
would not consider. He does not plead neither does 
he argue, he gives facts that speak more eloquent than 
the battles of the soldiers. And the greatest of his 
arguments is Don Venustiano Carranza, the statesman 
and civilian, founder of the Constitutionalist party and 
the inspiration of the revolt against the murderer 
Huerta. 

Senor Cabrera, who for several months was con- 
nected with Mr. Rafael Zubaran in his diplomatic work 
at Washington, D. C, was the only civilian admitted 
to the convention and who pleaded the cause of the 
men and women who never bore a rifle. 

In an effort of good will and patriotism on 
the part of the civil elements which are repre- 
sented in this Convention, several of us have 
agreed to make a public declaration before this 
assembly, of being resigned to yield all the work 
and responsibility of the Convention, to the 
military elements, since they so desire it. In so 
doing, we have been prompted, principally, and 
as has already been stated in the article just read 
to you, by a spirit of conciliation, and a sincere 
desire of unification. 

Let me now explain why we civilians have an 
undeniable right of taking part in the political 
affairs of our country, and why, referring to the 
work which has to be accomplished in Aguas- 
calientes, we civilians, for political reasons 
which however are only true at the present 
moment, consider it a patriotic action to with- 
hold from participating in said assembly. 

Many reasons have been given to exclude the 
civilians from participating in the discussions at 
Aguascalientes. The most important — and I 
may say the only reason worthy of being taken 
into consideration — is that they are a disturbing 
element. (Laughter). The second reason, is 
that they do not represent the revolutionary 



element, and the third is that in time of war they 
will not go under fire. 

The reason of their obstruction, I shall come 
to later on — just now I wish to call the attention 
of the military element to the subject of inter- 
vention by the civilians. Military men (and I 
now refer to such as have already in them the 
military spirit, because the greater part of 
military men here present, are not sufficiently 
militarized) (applause). The military men who 
are already inoculated with the virus of militar- 
ism, become autmatons, if they are subordinates, 
or absolute rulers if they are chiefs. Therefore, 
any obstacle or interference they find in their 
way, even when same is to put them on the 
right track, or advise them of danger, or to give 
them a better knowledge of facts, they im- 
mediately interpret this interference as a hind- 
rance to their aims, and classify it as an obstacle. 
This results in that, all intervention by a civilian 
who, accustomed to look at things in a more 
deliberate way, argues with a military man when 
the latter throws himself headlong into action — 
the military man finds this an obstacle, and the 
civilian instinctively feels the inopportunity of 
this intervention. Where action is concerned, 
the military man is right: the civilian hinders. 
Where politics are concerned, he is not right: 
the civilian helps. When it is a question of 
acting, of going ahead and executing measures 
which have been taken or resolutions which have 
been adopted, military action must be absolutely 
free from all civil intervention; but at the time 
of considering a determination, the military 
element should not count, and I beg all the 
military men. who are now in the process of 
formation, not to see an obstacle in the civil 
element. It is not credible, nor is it possible, 
that we, who have been working and straining 
every effort in our given sphere of action, should 
now throw obstacles in the way of our own 
ideals. What we desire, is to see adopted a 
determined line of action, but before entering 
into action, we wish to be heard. It is not the 
purpose of us civilians to obstruct the path of 
military men. 



It has been said, and I understand that it was 
said by my esteemed colleague General Coss, that 
when the military men carried on the revolution, 
they did not ask the advice of the civilians, and 
that now that they are trying to work out the 
political problems which beset us, they do not 
want the opinion of the civilians, either. General 
Coss is right, whenever it is a question of action. 
But he will admit that while the military men 
were waging battles in Sonora, or Chihuahua; 
or Coahuila, there were civilians who were con- 
stantly working to facilitate the work of the 
military men. There was the first of the civil- 
ians, Don Venustiano Carranza, working in that 
sense, and he was completely surrounded by 
civilians. Civilians of another category were 
working at other tasks. Others of us civilians 
were occupied at the humble task to which mili- 
tary men give no importance whatever, and that 
is: the propagating and making clear of the 
revolutionary ideas. The civil element was 
everywhere. It was they who had charge of the 
organization of the Customs, Mails, Telegraphs, 
etc. The staffs of Obregon, Luis Blanco, Pablo 
Gonzalez, were all composed of civilians. To 
say that the civil element did not assist in the 
revolution, would be like saying that the Red 
Cross did not help any during the war, nor its 
doctors lend any service. No, gentlemen, 
civilians must be heard, for they have contri- 
buted and shall continue to contribute, to the 
triumph of the revolution. 

The present government is a military govern- 
ment, but it must be admitted that those who 
surround Don Venustiano Carranza are civilians. 
When they wanted a man for Secretary of War 
they choose the most civilian of military men. 
Don Ignacio L. Pesqueira. 

But it is not my intention to praise the merits 
of the civilians. I shall only refer to the third 
reason above mentioned, that is, that the civilians 
will not be there at the moment of the fray. 

In truth, the civilians will not be there at the 
moment of the fray, and as, in all probability, 
the only solution at which the Aguascalientes 
Convention will arrive will be another war, 
another military action; the civilians, though 
they will not be in the battles, will nevertheless 
share the responsibility and dangers. They will 
not be under fire and in the midst of the hand 
to hand battles, but this is one of the few rea- 
sons which can be given for their elimination 
from the side of the military men. But I beg 
to call your attention to the circumstance that, 
although it is the military clement which inter- 
venes more directly in the political questions of 



a country, in History it is always civilians who 
have borne the greatest responsibilities. Civil- 
ians have always had the good fortune or mis- 
fortune, of being the ones to shoulder the 
responsibilities of the success or failure of the 
revolution. Whatever be the activities of the 
military elements in this revolution, the one 
responsible for the final result will be Don 
Venustiano Carranza who is a civilian. Whatever 
may have been the responsibilities of the mili- 
tary elements which were with Juarez, now that 
we are looking at that epic from a distance, we 
find that military men have almost disappeared 
from the field of history, and that the great 
responsibilities have fallen on the civil elements 
which surrounded Juarez, and on the civilians 
who were on the side of reaction. 

The civil elements have had the misfortune 
always to shoulder the biggest responsibilities. 
During the administration of Don Francisco I. 
Madero, the strongest military elements which 
supported him, are still alive — it was the civil 
elements that were sacrificed. (Applause). The 
life of the Secretary of War, under Don Fran- 
cisco I. Madero, was respected. The military 
commanders, such as Villar, Angeles, are still 
alive. Gustavo Madero was a civilian, he did 
not even have a political position in the govern- 
ment, and he was the first victim. Jose Maria 
Pino Suarez was, of all the Ministers of Fran- 
cisco I. Madero, the one who exercized the least 
political influence in the course of events. He 
was the Minister who was least able to influence 
the determinations of Don Francisco I. Madero, 
because the policy of Francisco 1. Madero was 
controlled by his relatives, Don Rafael Hernan- 
dez, Don Ernesto Madero, and Don Jaime 
Gurza — but when the time came for shouldering 
responsibilities, Henry Lane Wilson spread the 
banner of the Stars and Strips over these three 
ministers and declared (for I myself heard him 
say it) that those were the only honest men in 
the Government staff of Mr. Madero, and he, 
Wilson, protected and saved them. But Jose 
M. Pino Suarez was assassinated and Don 
Francisco I. Madero was assassinated. 

In the present struggle, military men always 
have behind them five, ten or twenty-thousand 
men whom they can count on to protect them : 
civilians have no protection behind them. After 
the Aguascalientes Convention is over, whether 
the civilians have taken part in or not, it is they 
who will suffer the consequences, because they 
have not behind them a militarj' following to 
make themselves respected. 



GENERAL COSS, interrupting— You also 
have followers whom you can count on, come 
with me to the ranks and you will find them. 
(Hisses). 

CITIZEN CABRERA— I beg the audience to 
allow me to listen to Mr. Coss. 

GENERAL COSS— We military men do not 
want civilians to attend, because in Guadalupe 
it was not stated that civilians would attend. At 
the time of the agreement in Torreon, it was 
not understood that they were to attend at this 
Convention. It was military men, generals in 
command of forces, who were to attend. We 
are not prejudiced against civilians, no, but we 
object to their presence here because it was not 
agreed to beforehand, it being understood that 
only we soldiers who have suffered the pangs of 
cold and hunger, and carried the blood-covered 
bodies of our wounded comrades from the fields 
of battles, were to attend. That is why we 
object, not because we are prejudiced against 
them. 

CITIZEN CABRERA— I most sincerely 
thank my colleague, General Coss, for the ex- 
planation he has had the kindness to give me, 
as it refers to one of the points which I was 
going to take up in elucidating the question of 
the civilians. 

Correct — I, a civilian (and in saying I, it is 
not in order to bring my personality to the front, 
but only as an example among many others), I 
have not behind me any political forces, nor a 
government position, nor some hundred mausers 
to protect my life — if I run any danger as a 
civilian, the most effective protection I could 
find would be to become a military man. And 
in this instance I must thank General Coss for 
the offer he makes me, and I beg to assure him 
that should it become necessary, I shall not hesi- 
tate an instant in putting myself under his mili- 
tary command — choosing, as I shall be obliged 
to do, between the brigade of General Esteban 
Marquez, and that of General Antonio Medina, 
both of which are represented in this assembly, 
and both operating in the State of Puebla, where 
I am acquainted even with its remotest lanes. 

And passing on to the third objection, I will 
say that, where military men represent well 
determined elements, we civilians do not. Every 
military man represents a certain number of 
enlisted men, who support him and on whom he 
can count — while we civilians represent no one 
in particular. My colleague General Hay has 
shown a certain lack of memory in transcribing 
my speeches, but he cannot be blamed, for at 



times, even the press stenographers in spite of 
their notes, suffer from lack of memory. 

I do not say that we civilians represent the 
fifteen million inhabitants of our country. We 
civilians represent only that which we spontane- 
ously assume. I have never as a politician pre- 
tended to represent, nor do I now represent, 
more than the ideas which, in my opinion, others 
hold. 

When I write, or speak in public, none of the 
ideas I express are my own — I always try to 
interpret the feelings of the nation — and whether 
I have interpreted same correctly, it is not for 
me to judge. General Coss can well believe 
that I am not acquainted with the opinion of 
the military elements, but I do know the feelings 
of innumerable sufferers, miserable, famishing, 
who are clamouring for bread in this republic, 
and who have not shouldered rifles. 

You, the military, men, represent the feelings 
of men who have had the good fortune, or we 
may call it the privilege, of having been able to 
obtain a rifle. I am less pretentious, and am 
content to represent the desires, the tendencies 
of all the rest of the people who did not even 
have a rifle, and who nevertheless were exposed, 
like all the rest, to the excesses of the Diaz 
dictatorship. I speak in the name of the millions 
who, in misery, want their soldier brothers to 
take them out of the misery in which they are 
wallowing. It is in their name that I wish to 
make myself heard, and all these men, sharing 
my opinion, are content that you should decide 
the problem — ^but they demand that, before 
marching to the front, you should hear them. 
(Applause). 

There are two reasons, fundamental and 
beyond discussion, one of which was suggested 
to me the first time by General Blanco, I think, 
and another by General Buelna, I do not exactly 
remember which, but I believe they were the 
originators of these fundamental reasons — two 
reasons why civilians should not come to Aguas- 
calientes, and which are : 

Allow me to come down a little, and to put 
before you a homely example: Every house- 
keeper knows that when she has two cooks she 
has onl)' half a cook. That is to say that, when 
two energies co-operate together, and in perfect 
unison in every detail, these two energies are 
worth two whole units, and this union makes 
them strong. 

But when between the two energies, comes 
the minutest shadow of discord, then it is better 
for these two energies not to work together. 



If the military men and civilians, now in this 
assembly, were already in perfect accord in their 
opinions and ideas, before presenting themselves 
to another group of men in the north, then our 
opinion and our greater number would contribute 
to the greater success of our labors. l]i.it if, as 
we have seem there exist little differences (and 
differences in opinion I call little) there comes 
the idea that we civilians might be cumbersome, 
and, if we are not perfectly in harmony, our 
differences may become an obstruction when 
convening with the other elements in Aguas- 
calientes. Therefore, when two men do not 
arrive at a perfect understanding, the best thing 
they can do is to agree which of them is to be 
eliminated. If military men and civilians can- 
not come to a perfect understanding in the details 
of our work in Aguascalientes, those who 
represent the minority and the weaker portion 
would do well to eliminate ourselves, and the 
weaker portion, in numbers and strength is now 
represented by us civilians. We therefore yield 
the field to the military men. 

Another fundamental reason, ami which 
should be taken into consideration to eliminate 
the civil element, is that of making a precedent, 
so that the other group of men who are coming 
from the North, may also eliminate the civilians 
who are coming among them. (Applause). Not 
that we believe that the Generals of the Eastern, 
Western and Central Divisions, have better civil 
elements co-operating with them, than the 
Northern division. On the contrary, I affirm 
that the civil elements which surround the 
Northern division, are much more intelligent, 
and above all, richer, than the civil elements 
with the other divisions — but, I maintain that 
the civil elements surrounding the Eastern, 
Western and Central divisions, arc greater 
patriots than those who surround the Xorthcrn 
division. 

I also affirm that the civil elements surround- 
ing the Division of the South (and in the term 
South in general, I include the East, West 
Center and South) that these elements under- 
stand the revolution better than the civil elements 
of the North, and to corroborate my statement 
I refer to this Manifest of General Francisco 
\'illa, which beyond the shadow of a doubt, was 
not produced by him, but by some civilian who 
pulls the strings from the outside. This Mani- 
fest interprets the Revolution in altogether a 
contrary manner to what we military men and 
civilians here assembled, understand it. But this 
1 shall take up another time, now I must finish. 
For the present. I shall restrict myself to rectify 



the declaration made by us civilians WE ARE 
WILLING TO ELIMINATE OURSELVES 
FROM THE CONVENTION, WHEN THE 
CONVENTION DECIDES TO ADJOURN 
TO AGUASCALIENTES, or WHEN A NEW 
ASSEMBLY IS— CONVENED IN AGUAS- 
CALIENTES. We agree, brother soldiers, in 
that you may carry the brunt of the activity and 
determination of which you have already given 
proof, to this coming strife. We are willing 
that you fight for the success of the revolution, 
we wish you success — we trust you will be able 
to interpret correctly, the sentiments of the 
troops which you have organized, the sentiments 
and requirements of our native land! 

The nation is not composed of civilians, or 
military men. We are all parts of the nation, 
and the nation is composed principally, of 
mothers, wives, sisters, children — man is only a 
shield to protect the weaker portion in the 
struggle for life. 

Vou soldiers arc the strong ones, and to YOU 
we entrust the success of these negotiations. 
But. since 1 am here before you to effect our 
separation, I cannot let you go, until you have 
heard, in a brief summary, the aspirations of 
our country, as I understand them and as they 
are understood by the suffering millions of our 
country. 

The ambitions of the Mexicans, as expressed 
in this Manifest, are mean and small. 

The great necessities, of our country are not 
of the political order: politics are only a means. 
The necessities of our country are greater. The 
necessities of our country in politics are not 
essentially constitutional and democratic at the 
present moment. This Manifest of General 
\'illa, which is the key to it, to the resume of 
ideas which predominate in the Northern divi- 
sion, this Manifest asks of you. solely and ex- 
clusively, to re-establish in all haste, order in 
this country. You are going to meet a group of 
men whose motto is the immediate re-establish- 
ment of the Constitution, a group of men who 
do not desire reforms, UNTIL AFTER the 
constitution is restored, and mark my words, this 
group of men wants for President of the 
Repubic. a civilian, so that they will be able to 
manage him. 

Our views are not in harmony with this mani- 
fest, and just because we do not agree with the 
Manifest of General Villa, I wish to say (and I 
promise not to keep you more than ten minutes, 
if you will be kind enough to give me your 
attention), I wish to tell you which are, in our 



opinion, the ideas and general lines along which 
you must work at the Convention of Aguas- 
calientes. 

Gentlemen, at Aguascalientes you are going 
to discuss three things: THE FORM OF 
GOVERNMENT, pre-constitutional or pro- 
visional (however you may wish to call it) and 
its duration. 

THE SOCIAL REFORMS which this pro- 
visional Government must work out, and THE 
MANNER IN WHICH THIS PRECON- 
STITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT, is, to make 
place later on, to a Constitutional Government. 

In the course of your debates, you will un- 
doubtedly find yourselves face to face with well- 
defined ideas, already studied, already prepared, 
well discussed and may be even zvell financed, 
which are found on the other side, and which 
are already briefly outlined in the Manifest sent 
out by General Villa, in which he refuses to 
recognize Venustiano Carranza. You are going 
to discuss the character which the Constitutional 
Government must assume. Here let me ask 
those here present not to hesitate to use that 
unconventional but customary manner in which, 
such as do not agree with the ideas expressed 
by the speaker, make it known either by a simple 
NO, or by standing up from their seats. 

I BELIEVE that there must not be a consti- 
tutional Government Until the social reforms 
which the country requires, have been accom- 
plished. (Enthusiastic applause). 

I BELIEVE that the reforms demanded by 
our country, if not accomplished now by the 
strength of your swords, will never be accom- 
plished. (Applause). 

I BELIEVE that, if we wish to have a truly 
lawful and constitutional government, we must 
make a Constitution that is adequate to our 
necessities. (Applause). 

I BELIEVE that from the activities of the 
Aguascalientes Convention, there must come out 
a new Constitutional Congress, which will be as 
great as, if not greater than, that of 1857, and 
I believe that this Congress will be the first 
which in the History of New Spain and Mexico, 
will set the foundation of a legislature which 
will harmonize with the blood, race and needs, 
of the Indian, and not a constitution copied from 
that of France or the United States. (Bravos, 
Applause). 

It seems to me that the defense of all the re- 
actionaries and conservatives, is that of clamour- 
ing for the immediate application of the law. 



as soon as they find themselves defeated. 
(Applause). 

I believe that if at the present moment we are 
to apply a constitutional government, the object 
of the revolution will be ruined. 

The Manifest sent out to the nation by 
General Villa, disowning Mr. Carranza, is 
founded solely on this inculpation: Don Venus- 
tiano Carranza is a dictator, and the Constitu- 
tional Government should be established at once. 

I am not going to tire you with the lecture of 
the proclamation, but should you consider it 
necessary (shouts, applause) then I shall beg the 
Secretary to give me a minute's respite by read- 
ing the proclamation of General Villa. 

GENERAL OBREGON— Let the Convention 
be consulted. 

MR. CABRERA— The Convention is always 
sovereign in its determinations. I beg the Presi- 
dent to consult the convention as to whether it 
desires the reading of the proclamation of 
General Villa. 

THE SECRETARY— The executive board, 
through the secretary, asks the honorable con- 
vention if it requests that the proclamation of 
General Villa should be read. Those who are in 
favour of a reading, are requested to stand up. 
The Convention does not desire a reading. 
(Hisses). 

MR. CABRERA (continues) — Respecting— 
the decision of the convention, I shall omit all 
the meditations contained in the three columns 
of small type, and shall pass on to the resolu- 
tions of the proclamation, which speaks in suf- 
ficiently clear terms : 

(Here Mr. Cabrera read the resolution of the 
proclamation of General Villa). 

First — The Division of the North disowns the 
authority of Don Venustiano Carranza as First 
Chief of the Constitutionalist army. 

Second — The other divisions of the Constitu- 
tionalist army are invited to disown Don Venus- 
tiano Carranza as First Chief of the Constitu- 
tionalist army. 

Third — Once this separation has been obtain- 
ed, then another civilian shall be designed, who 
will immediately ask for elections, and who shall 
deliberate with Congress as to the Reforms de- 
manded by the revolution, and which will be 
put into effect by the president elect. 

Fourth — The Constitution shall be reformed 
so that the Presidential term shall begin with 
the time of election. 



I want to point out to you this detail, that is 
to say, the idea of the Division of the North as 
to the provisional Government: That there 
should be a constitutional government with a 
congress even during the provisional Presidency. 
The Provisional President must call immediate- 
ly for election, and that the government, which 
must take upon itself the reforms demanded by 
the revolution, must be a constitutionally elected 
government. 

This problem will come under your kind con- 
sideration, you. Generals in Aguascalientes. 
You will discuss with the members of the 
Northern division, the points relative to the 
question of form and conditions of the provision- 
al government. It is confided to your care to 
save us from the danger of entering a beautifully 
gilded cage called "Constitutional Government." 

If it be necessary to search for a sign on the 
brow of each traitor, of each Huertista, each 
Felicista and each one of the reactionnaries, 
which would indicate who is the enemy of the 
people, who desires the continuation of the in- 
famous policy of privileges and monopolies in 
Mexico, I would be satisfied to know them by 
asking tliem the following — "Are you in con- 
formity with the re-establishment of the Consti- 
tutional Government after the revolution?" 
(Applause). 

Do you realize that the greatest exertions 
made by a reactionary element against a revolu- 
tion, have always consisted in the rc-establish- 
ment of legality? Do you know that during the 
French revolution, legitimacy was the center of 
all reaction — that lawfulness is always the axis 
around which all the reactionaries go round? 
When you see in Mexico, men who begin to ask 
for a constitutional Government because we call 
ourselves Constitutionalists, and they ask that the 
Government complete the reforms — then you 
will know that those men desire the defeat of 
the revolution. 

I have said it many times, and I shall never 
tire of repeating it : the real transcendental re- 
forms of a people have never been obtained by 
legal means ; they have always been retrieved 
through force. Therefore, military gentlemen, 
it does not appertain to the Constitutionalist 
order, nor to a Congress, nor to a legitimately 
elected government, to carry out reforms. If 
your swords do not consummate them, it will be 
many years before they shall come to pass. 
(Applause). They will put before you. Military 
gentlemen, all the questions relative to the social 
necessities ; they will propose to you agrarian 



reforms, and then you will discover who it is 
that is clamoring for the respect of property and 
the absolute necessity of consent for the expro- 
priations of the lands, and those who like myself 
repeat, as I have done for many years, that the 
lands must be taken, wherever they arc to be 
found. You will know those who will give the 
lands and also those who in the solution of the 
agrarian problem, will want to know how many 
dollars they can make out of their lands. 

They will speak to you, military' gentlemen, of 
economic reforms, and you will identify those 
who are against them. 

They will discuss the religious questions which 
at the present moment are agitating the country, 
and you will gaze upon those who, after having 
expelled the least noxious of the religious orders 
in our country, nevertheless want to prevent the 
ejection of the most dangerous ones which arc 
still in our midst. They will harangue you on 
political reforms, and you will perceive those 
who pretend that a real constitution shall be 
initiated, or those who demand the re-establish- 
ment of our present constitution. 

You will hear them discourse on our illustri- 
ous forefathers of 1857, and on the necessity of 
re-establishing before all, our constitution, and 
oppose the reforms in our constitution with more 
fervor than the most sincere defenders of the 
people. You will espy those who desire the 
continuation of the policy of impositions, subter- 
fuges and electoral frauds which w-ere in force 
during the thirty-five long years of the period 
of Diaz. And lastly you will have to dissert, 
principally, on the form of destruction of the 
enemy : then you will behold those who will 
declare that there is no political enemy left in 
Mexico since Huerta disappeared, and that 
thereafter neither sacrifices nor justice will be 
required. That the consolidation of peace is 
necessary, and as the proclamation of Villa says 
"The lives and interests of the peaceful people 
must be respected, of nationals as well as of 
foreigners." 

They will mention the length of the provision- 
al government which is to be established, and as 
the proclamation of the division of the North 
says, only within the limit of the time needed 
for the verification of elections. They will in- 
form you that the elections can take place im- 
mediately, as the division of the North offers to 
re-establish peace and order. They will also 
ask you on the same grounds that the elections 
shall be verified after the establishment of peace 
and order by the Division of the North. Finally, 



they will mention the form of a new constitu- 
tional government, and nothing else will be 
mentioned but the re-establishment of the Con- 
stitution. 

But you know better than I do, you who have 
been in contact with the humble ones, you, who 
are conscious of the needs, not of the large cities 
which possess so many elements of defense, but 
of the villages and hamlets, that as long as the 
autonomy of the municipal povver is not written 
in large letters in our constitution, there cannot 
be any liberty. You shall be, and I entreat you 
to be, the champions of this idea. When there 
is a Municipal power, when there exists muni- 
cipal autonomy, I assure you that, even if there 
should be other revolutions, the country will be 
in a position to comply and help itself, without 
suffering all the horrors of the last one. 

When there will be Municipal self-govern- 
ment, you will have real elections ; then only will 
you possess a true democracy. The respect of 
the sovereignty of the states, the autonomy of 
the government of each locality will be touched 
upon, as it came to pass after the triumph of 
Madero, they will describe the sovereign power 
of the state as the greatest need of the revolu- 



tion. Nevertheless, I tell you. Gentlemen, the 
reform of the division and the political organi- 
zation of the states, is absolutely necessary. 

It will be said to you, military gentlemen, that 
our laws do not require any tampering, and that 
well enough should be left alone, and the reforms 
of a great many laws will be pointed out to you 
as dangerous. Then you will come to the reali- 
zation that there are many men who call them- 
selves revolutionists, and who tremble before a 
single stroke of the pen which may be scratched 
into our constitution. 

I will not tire you any longer, gentlemen, I 
only beg to be allowed to put these ideas on 
record in a more orderly and methodical shape. 
Meaijwhile, we civilians say to you : "Go and 
solve all these problems." Discuss with the 
soldiers of the North, the form in which the 
country shall be saved. 

But consider that, if you succeed in your task, 
you will be covered with glory. Should you 
fail, part of the responsibility will fall upon your 
shoulders. The other part will continue to be 
our share, in spite of the fact that we will not 
have been present at Aguascalientes. (Prolonged 
Applause). 




ElK'.AR PrIN'JINC .-XNO STATIONERY Co. 

68 West 39th Street. N. Y. 



592 



